LabLynx Wiki
| Battle of Jolo | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of the Moro conflict | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
 Moro National Liberation Front | |||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| Nur Misuari – MNLF Leader |
 Col. Salvador M. Mison – 14th Infantry Battalion leader | ||||||
The battle of Jolo, also referred to as the burning of Jolo or the siege of Jolo,[3] was a military confrontation between the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the government of the Philippines[1][4] in February 1974 in the municipality of Jolo, in the southern Philippines.[5][2]
It is considered one of the key early incidents of the Moro insurgency in the Philippines, and led numerous Moro leaders to resist martial law under Ferdinand Marcos.[4]
MNLF forces initially managed to control the municipality, except the airport and an adjacent military camp. Government forces led by the 14th Infantry Battalion managed to regain control of the town.[2][6] The United States military also reportedly participated according to both government and MNLF officials.[7]
Background
Jolo had a population divided into three groups, Muslim (Moro), Chinese and Christian. The Philippine military which burned Jolo in 7-8 February 1974 killed 20,000 civilians.[8][9]
Mixed Chinese-Tausug people (Lanang) engaged in business and moved to Jolo since the Sulu Sultanate. One man named Mario who survived in 1974 Jolo burning identified as a Christian Tausug and was of Chinese descent. He said "We have a Chinese community, the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. My father was a member of the Chinese Chamber. The Chinese community [in Jolo] had a Chinese School … that was the Sulu Tong Jin school. My grandfather was one of the pioneers of that school. He came from China. So, he went to Jolo and married my grandmother, who was a Muslim. But I’m not a Muslim. I’m a Catholic." Tausug in Jolo denied there was any religious sectarianism or hatred before the 1974 burning of the city by the Philippines. MNLF member Khalifa used to have the rosary in his house along with images of Catholic saints and in elementary school he went to church services. They prayed the Lord is with thee, Hail Mary full of Grace and the Rosary. Another Muslim Tausug said “ Jolo was very beautiful. The relationship between Muslims and Christian was extraordinary … there ’ s no discrimi-nation. There ’ s no religious disparity. There were intermarriages among Muslims and Christians, ”. Since there was a large Chinese community in Jolo, it was called "Little Hong Kong" by a Tausug named Muhammad. Omar, another Tausug Muslim said “ The Chinese sold products from Malaysia and Indonesia. If they saw something that is pro table, they would make it their business. ”[10]
In Jolo politics, the pure Muslims, Chinese and Christians serving as councilors in Jolo were categorised according to Muslim, Chinese or Christian identity but the Chinese-Moro mestizo Tuchay Tan's group identification was left unclear.[11]
An MNLF member named Khalifa who lived in Jolo said that before the war "The Christians and Muslims had a good relationship with each other. As a matter of fact, my friends were mostly Christians. I also attended church services when I was an elementary student. We had so many santos and santas (images of saints) in our house. We prayedthe rosary, the Hail Mary full of grace, the Lord is with thee. “ Blessed is thy among women and blessed is the fruit of thy womb Jesus. ” We prayed like that before their image,what the Muslims called idols."[12]
Samuel Kong Tan wrote that he was familiar with MNLF members and their ideology and he reprimanded G. Carter Bentley's review of Samuel Kong Tan's work in "Historical Perspective on the Muslim Armed Struggle? (Critical Review of Samuel Tan's The Filipino Muslim Armed Struggle, 1900-1972), G. Carter Bentley. Bentley had assumed that all Moros practiced sharia and prohibited intermarriage of non-Muslim men with Muslim women and that MNLF was an Islamic movement. Samuel Kong Tan, who was a mixed Chinese-Moro mestizo himself, reprimanded Bentley for his errors, reminding him that Moros practiced folk Islam and sharia was not applied in Moro lands and that Moros allowed intermarriage of non-Muslim men with Muslim women, with his own grandparents being a non-Muslim Chinese trader, Kong Bu Wa who married a Moro Muslim woman Latia Jaham.[13] Samuel Kong Tan also said he had personal knowledge of MNLF leaders and that MNLF was not "purely Islamic" unlike what Bentley said.[14]
Samuel Kong Tan mentioned the use of "jihad", Marxist-Leninist program by the MNLF, Nur Misuari, the Sulu movement and the Corregidor Massacre in "The Filipino Muslim Armed Struggle, 1900-1972".[15]
Narrative from the US Embassy
According to a 1974 United States Embassy memo that was declassified by the United States Department of State in 2005, the following events occurred prior to, during, and after the siege:
1. Most serious fighting yet between gov't forces and Muslim rebels in Southern Philippines has occurred in Jolo City, the capital of Sulu Province. While picture still incomplete, following appears to be the progression of recent events:
a. In January, Armed Forces of Phils (AFP) began increasing their forces on Jolo island in preparation for major offensive against estimated two thousand armed rebels belonging to Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Also in January, MNLF group took over several small towns in southern Jolo controlled by large group of former rebels who split off from MNLF and agreed to cooperate with GOP in December (See Manila 1740).
b. In late January, MNLF rebels began to harass AFP units at Jolo City airport with mortar fire. Phil Air Force was forced to remove aircraft from Jolo to Zamboanga.
c. On Feb 4 AFP forces landed on south coast of Jolo in attempt to retake several MNLF controlled municipalities.
d. On afternoon of Feb 7, rebels attacked Phil Army units defending airport. Rebels almost succeeded in taking Army 4th Brigade headquarters located in Notre Dame College complex at airport but were repelled with AFP losing 19 killed and rebels 21, according to fragmentary reports. Airport was closed as result fighting. Phil military sources in Zamboanga City told an American observer that airport had been "lost" twice and retaken from rebels between Feb 7 and 9. Govt reinforcements were landed and fought through town to airport. AFP lost one F-86 and four helicopters were severely damaged. Embassy believes that AFP has since kept control of airport and driven most rebels from city. Defense Secretary Enrile and AFP Chief of Staff General Espino visited Jolo City on Feb 11.
e. As fight for airport proceeded, mortar rounds and house-to-house fighting touched off small fires in tinderbox Jolo City. Napalm was dropped by Phil Air Force and may have added to fire, which quickly destroyed most of the town. Govt officials have claimed that rebels set torch to city.
f. Chief of Police, whose forces reportedly fired in air rather than against rebels, is under arrest. Enrile told foreign press Feb 12 that Jolo City Mayor Barlie Abubakar left city with some of his police and retreating rebels and is being sought by AFP. Abubakar's son, Nizzam, may have died leading the MNLF attack.
2. Embassy has no clear estimate of number of casualties. We assume that intensity of fighting and burning of city resulted in large number of military and civilian casualties.
3. Fighting has produced many homeless refugees. AFP Intelligence Chief General Paz told embassy officer Feb 13 that 40,000 persons have been made homeless in Jolo City. Govt relief officials report that by Feb 10 some 6,000 refugees had been transported by coast guard boats to Zamboanga City and more have presumably been moved since. These add to 18,000 refugees from Jolo who were already in Zamboanga City, including those who foresaw the attack and were able to escape beforehand. Other refugees from fighting have presumably fled to Basilan and other nearby islands. Initial govt relief efforts include sending funds, Nutribuns and clothing for refugees in Zamboanga City.
4. There has been no mention in local press of recent fighting in Jolo. Manila bureau of Associated Press has filed numerous reports which contain further details of situation.
5. Comment: Impact that rebel attack on Jolo City may have on confused Sulu political situation still unclear. Fighting may polarize problem on this island even further and could force consolidation of disputing Muslim factions behind MNLF. If this occurs, it would leave AFP increasingly isolated and with reduced local support on island.
6. Muslim rebels will probably be quick to blame the burning of Jolo City on policies of President Marcos, and recent developments will undoubtedly add fuel to criticism of GOP policy at next week's Lahore conference. Muslims in Sulu as well as Mindanao will have increased cause to believe that GOP desires military solution to Muslim insurgency, particularly since few of repeated govt promises for increased economic benefits for Muslim areas have been implemented
7. In near term, immediate concern is that fighting may flare up in other troubled areas of south. Major trouble spots may be Zamboanga City, where overflow of embittered refugees is present, or in Cotabato area, where several thousand rebels may be tempted to take advantage of concentration of AFP forces in Jolo to launch new attacks.
8. The policy of attraction which had been followed for past five months by SOWESCOM head Admiral Espaldon would also appear to be major casualty of renewed fighting. Although it is believed Espaldon opposed AFP operation on Jolo, he was apparently overruled by Manila. He will probably be retained with SOWESCOM but credibility of his policy of attraction will suffer as result recent events[16][17]
Narratives from Witnesses
Abas Candao
Dr. Abas Candao of Maguindanao, a UP College of Medicine graduate, Batch 1971, wrote the following journal entry of those days while assigned at the Sulu provincial hospital in Jolo:[18]
The fire which started about three o'clock in the afternoon from the eastern sector was blown into town by strong southeasterly winds leaving behind its path nothing but scrap and ashes as it devoured its way through, swallowing the business sector and rapidly spreading towards Asturias. The heinous column of fire and smoke mushroomed high into the air sending out fiery tongues and swaying ominously to where the wind would lead it. It was a dreadful sight in the night, providing its own light for its horror performance. Silently, their eyes moist with tears, providing its own light for its horror performance.
Noor Saada
Noor Saada writes in his article "KISSA AND DAWAT: The 1974 Battle of Jolo, narratives and quest for social conscience":[18]
I was born in Tulay, Jolo, Sulu, in 1972 and was barely two years old when the Battle of Jolo occurred in seven bloody days in February 1974. It was roughly seven bloody days of destruction, death and displacement at a scale unimaginable. It was because of this war that our family was forced to seek refuge in Tawi-Tawi. As I was growing up, the horrors and agonies of that war was repeated in stories from my grandparents, parents, uncles and aunties, and elders cousins.
Said Sadain Jr.
In his article "February 7, 1974: The Jolo-caust," Said Sadain Jr. wrote:[19]
I was in Jolo in 1974, in that conflagration, as a fifteen-year old high school senior expecting to receive in another month, my graduation diploma...
[I]n the dark dawn of Feb. 7, 1974, before our graduating class could even start practicing for our graduation rites, the tranquility of the municipality of Jolo was shattered by a loud explosion that was clearly heard from one end of town to the other… Jolo became embroiled in a shooting war, house to house, door to door, with the Moro National Liberation Front rebels, 'Lost Commands' as some MNLF apologists would later claim, initially marching into town to lay siege on the government army encampment at the town's airport. My family stayed in our San Raymundo house during most of the first two days of fighting, except for some uncles who ventured out into the streets to get some drinking water...
In the afternoon of the second day, everything else around the neighborhood broke loose, with mortars and gunfire screaming. From a high window at the back of the house, I watched the brittle nipa-thatch roofs of nearby houses catch the fireballs whooshing down from the sky. When it was all over, the only thing that remained of our house was the front stairs leading up to a charred front door that opened up to clear, blue sky…[S]everal days later…we made our way down from a government refuge hospital on our way to the dock of Jolo. We trudged through the center of town, through the smoking ashes of Jolo, passing by contorted, burnt shapes frozen in their final acts to reach for the sky from where they had fallen down at either side of the blackened asphalt roads…
I always gave Admiral Espaldon the benefit of the doubt since it was his naval boats that mercifully plucked us out of the teeming pier of Jolo island and transported us to Zamboanga City in mainland Mindanao. For most part of a night, we had to camp out at the open landings of the pier and wait there in the cold wind along with thousands of others in a scene played straight out of a movie.
Sadain Jr.'s narrative was cited by Dr. Michael Tan, former chancellor of University of the Philippines Diliman, in his article "From Jolo to Marawi":[20]
At the same time, especially in times of war, people do remember restraint and kindness. Said Sadain, who was 15 at the time of the siege of his city, recalls the carnage—corpses in the streets covered with newspaper pages—as well as the efforts of Adm. Romulo Espaldon to save lives by sending in naval boats to pick up Jolo residents from the pier and transport them to safety in Zamboanga City.
Rehabilitation of Jolo
One month after the end of hostilities, the Inter-Agency Task Force for the Rehabilitation of Jolo was created by virtue of Memorandum Order No. 411, s. 1974,[21] as amended by Memorandum Order Nos. 426[22] and 450,[23] composed of an Executive Committee and eight subcommittees: Overall and Long-Term Planning (later the Committee on Master Planning); Land Inventory and Reconstitution of Land Titles; Physical Infrastructures; Housing; Relief; Relocation and Resettlement; Trade, Industry and Agriculture; Banking and Financial Services; and Logistics.
Six years later, the Municipality of Jolo presented the following Citation to Rear Admiral Romulo Espaldon, who opposed military offensive in Jolo but was overruled by Manila,[16][17][18] and later became member of the Executive Committee[22] of the Inter-Agency Task Force for the Rehabilitation of Jolo:
REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINESMUNICIPALITY OF JOLO, PROVINCE OF SULUCITATIONIn the course of the Mindanao Conflicts, the people in the Island of Jolo, Sulu, suffered more physical devastation and economic dislocation than even during World War II.
One man, one leader, led a government task force in lifting up the unfortunate people out of the ruins of the rebel attack on February 7, 1972 (sic) into a new social and economic rebirth.
This man is Rear Admiral Romulo M. Espaldon, Commander of the Southern Command.
Because of the unstinted efforts of this great leader, the people of Jolo are experiencing a new resurgence and vitality, a new direction and drive towards an economic and social prosperity never before felt in our history.
A network of streamlined roads have been plotted; neat rows of houses have risen from the ashes; a new and imposing mosque stands in place of the one that was destroyed.
Thanks to the work and love of Rear Admiral Romulo M. Espaldon for the people of Jolo, we Taosugs now possess a new image of ourselves.
To express these thanks, gratitude and wishes of the people of Jolo, we hereby present this CITATION to our esteemed and dearest leader and exemplar of public of official, REAR ADMIRAL ROMULO M. ESPALDON.
GIVEN this 22nd day of SAFFAR 1401 (28th day of December 1980), Zamboanga City, Philippines.
HABIB AMINKADRA BARLIE ABUBAKARMayor
Portrayals in media
Journalist Criselda Yabes portrayed the burning of Jolo in her novel Below the Crying Mountain under the University of the Philippines Press in 2010.[24] Yabes' novel won the University of the Philippines Centennial Literary Prize, and put Yabes on the Man Asia Literary Prize longlist.[25]
References
- ^ a b c Aliman, Agnes (May 8, 2017). "Lesson from '70s Jolo: War and martial law won't solve the problem". Rappler. Archived from the original on September 23, 2017. Retrieved October 6, 2019.
- ^ a b c Lelyveld, Joseph (February 23, 1974). "Fight in Philippine Town Leaves Rubble and Death". The New York Times. Archived from the original on October 6, 2019. Retrieved October 6, 2019.
- ^ de Santos, Jonathan (August 26, 2018). "No moving on from Marcos-era massacres and abuse, Bangsamoro group says". The Philippine Star. Archived from the original on August 26, 2018. Retrieved October 6, 2019.
- ^ a b "ARMM gov: Martial Law killings a 'painful part of our history as Moros'". The Philippine Star. September 24, 2018. Archived from the original on September 24, 2018. Retrieved October 6, 2019.
- ^ Mercado, Fr. Jun, OMI (September 20, 2012). "Remembering Martial Law—a Mindanao perspective". The Philippine Star. Archived from the original on October 6, 2019. Retrieved October 6, 2019.
{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Cal, Ben (September 11, 2013). "MNLF's first try to raise flag was 39 years ago". Manila Bulletin. Philippine News Agency. Retrieved November 20, 2014.
- ^ Molly, Ivan (2001). Rolling Back Revolution: The Emergence of Low Intensity Conflict. Pluto Press. p. 216. ISBN 978-0745317069.
- ^ "Revisiting the February 7-8, 1974 Burning of Jolo". MNLF. Moro National Liberation Front. February 7, 2013. Archived from the original on May 27, 2017.
- ^ "Philippine and Malaysian Colonialism: Afraid of Bangsamoro Freedom?". MNLF. Moro National Liberation Front. December 19, 2012. Archived from the original on June 2, 2013.
- ^ Salomon, Elgin Glenn R. (2022). "The 1974 Battle of Jolo: testimonial narratives of survivors and intra-Tausug relations". Critical Asian Studies. 54 (4): 619–634. doi:10.1080/14672715.2022.2099438.
- ^ Arce, Wilfredo F. (1983). Before the Secessionist Storm: Muslim-Christian Politics in Jolo, Sulu, Philippines, 1961-62. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore: ISEAS occasional paper. Vol. 73. Maruzen Asia. p. 27. ISBN 9789971954079. ISSN 0073-9731.
... Muslim ) and vice - mayor ( Segundo Canizares , Christian ) are chosen leaders . The councilors consist of four Christians ( Oswalda Cabel , Manuel Obsequio , Benjamin Gonzales , Pacifico Yanga ) , two Muslims ( Jayari Hawari , Hassan Hasiman ) , a Chinese by local category ( Lu Yong Beng ) and one individual whose group identification is not clear ( Tuchay Tan ) . All the councilors except the Chinese were chosen leaders . Among the barrio officials , three of the lieutenants
- ^ Salomon, Elgin Glenn R. (2022). "The 1974 Battle of Jolo: testimonial narratives of survivors and intra-Tausug relations". Critical Asian Studies. 54 (4): 619–634. doi:10.1080/14672715.2022.2099438.
- ^ Tan, Samuel Kong (1978). Mindanao Journal, Volume 5, Issue 1 - Volume 6, Issue 4. University Research Center, Mindanao State University. p. 107, 108.
have contributed a lot! In a similar manner, Bentley's reference to my radical statements, which he took as proofs to belittle Christianity and Islam, is again suspect . He failed to note that I was talking of " the radi- cal of nationalism , " not nationalism per se . Bentley's comment that migration of non - Muslims should have been mentioned with reference to my statements on the population table ( 1903-1960 ) is not necessary since the title of the table embodies that and since the paragraph merely seeks to stress the pressure in the Muslim Provinces , not necessarily the Muslim pressure . Bentley is correct in pointing out the confusion because of the use of " Muslim po- pulation " instead of " population of Muslim Provinces . " But it should have been sufficient for a reader without colored glasses to see that the paragraph clearly meant pressure in a general sense . Bentley also pointed out , as a sort of strong argument , that my view of Muslim culture is rather reckless , that my suggestion to encou- rage intermarriage is contrary to Islamic law under which , according to him , " a Muslim man may marry a non - Muslim woman , but not the re- verse . " This suggests that Bentley has the impression that Islamic law is the law established through the Muslim communities in the Philippines . He failed to realize that what we have in the Philippines is " folk islamic . " Since he is an Anthropologist , this fact should have been easy for him to perceive . His statement applies , perhaps , to some countries of the Islamic world or to Maranao society where he does research at present and where indeed a Maranao woman is prohibited from contracting marriage outside her own culture . But it does not apply elsewhere, particularly in Sulu where intermarriages between Muslims and non-Muslims of both sexes have been going on for centuries. I would not have been born had my grandmother, Latia Jaham (a pure bred native), not married a Chinese trader. Or, the Schucks of Jolo, who have become a part of the Sulu leading elite, would not have risen to such a position if ...
- ^ Tan, Samuel Kong (1978). Mindanao Journal, Volume 5, Issue 1 - Volume 6, Issue 4. University Research Center, Mindanao State University. p. 108.
misleading . He should have known that " Sulu Movement " may not exist in sources . It does not , however , necessarily follow that it did not exist or that a historian or writer cannot create a terminology for some- thing he is writing about . I cannot see his objection to something which abounds in books , articles , essays of all sorts , historical and non - histori- cal . American authors are very fond of creating new terminologies . In fact , the anthropologists are notorious for this ! Hence , when Bentley brought out the issue , does he mean that only Americans have the abso- lute right to initiate a term and all others just repeat them? My ideas on the MNLF are mine and do not have to be docu-mented. I had enough associations with those involved to be able to say something in print without depending on some secondary footnotes. My own personal knowledge of the movement being discussed provides me with a good basis for my opinion . If others do not agree with my view , it is natural . But I do not have to document something that I am an eyewitness to . This is recognized in historiography . Besides , if I can give credibility to a person who is an eyewitness , why can't I give myself the same ? But I can understand Bentley's objection that I did not say so in a footnote that I was a witness to the Sulu Movement . If this is what he meant , then he is correct . Moreover , to regard the MNLF as purely Islamic and secessionist , as Bentley did , is at best superficial and subversive . Finally , Bentley's observation that to emphasize ethnicity is divi- sive and , therefore , not integrative is rather questionable . On the con- trary , it is integrative , because the pluralistic approach along ethnic lines ultimately leads to the " base culture , " as I said earlier , which is the foundation of our Filipino heritage . Bentley may not agree with this , but he does not have the right to pontificate . Conversely , the introduction of Islam and Christianity , between which only about two centuries or so exist , precisely polarized the ethnic communities along religious lines which are divisive . In the ultimate analysis , Islam and Christianity are irreconciliable in doctrines and practice . Christians and Muslims are just practical not to admit it . Thus , national integration can best be achieved if the two opposing systems are not very much stressed ( not eradicated as Bentley intimates ) , but are subordinated to a secular orientation . This is the substance of my view on pluralism . Bentley may not believe this ( it does not disturb me ) 108 / MINDANAO JOURNAL / VOL . VI , NO . 1. ...
- ^ Mindanao Journal, Volume 5, Issue 1 - Volume 6, Issue 4. University Research Center, Mindanao State University. 1978. p. 144.
mentation almost entirely. He refers to the "Corregidor Massacre," dif-ficult living conditions, ineffective and unimplemented reforms, indif-ference of Muslim leaders, the Sulu movement, Nur Misuari's "easy" assumption of leadership in this movement, a hidden Marxist-Leninist program for the MNLF, use of jihad for revolutionary activities, MNLF
- ^ a b U.S. Department of State (1974). State Dept cable 1974-15327: Jolo City Destroyed in Muslim Rebel Attack.
- ^ a b "US Department Report on 1974 Battle of Jolo". SULU ONLINE LIBRARY. February 7, 2017. Retrieved June 18, 2020.
- ^ a b c Saada, Noor (February 8, 2017). "KISSA AND DAWAT: The 1974 Battle of Jolo, narratives and quest for social conscience".
- ^ Sadain Jr., Said (February 8, 2016). "THAT WE MAY REMEMBER: February 7, 1974: The Jolo-caust". MindaNews. Retrieved May 10, 2020.
- ^ Tan, Michael L. (May 26, 2017). "From Jolo to Marawi". INQUIRER.net. Retrieved June 18, 2020.
- ^ "Memorandum Order No. 411, s. 1974 | GOVPH". Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines. Retrieved June 18, 2020.
- ^ a b "Memorandum Order No. 426, s. 1974 | GOVPH". Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines. Retrieved June 18, 2020.
- ^ "Memorandum Order No. 450, s. 1974 | GOVPH". Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines. Retrieved June 18, 2020.
- ^ "Journalist turns to fiction for 'big' truth on Jolo burning". Retrieved October 6, 2019.
- ^ "10 Asian authors you need to know: the Man Asian Literary Prize longlist". Christian Science Monitor. December 14, 2010. ISSN 0882-7729. Retrieved October 6, 2019.
